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Implications of the IMF package
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The IMF support is a significant breakthrough, for
which economic performance was the main determinant
From Shamim Ahmed Rizvi,
Islamabad
Dec 11 - 17, 2000
The much awaited bail out package of the
International Monetary Fund (IMF) has at last come through. The IMF
Board of Directors has approved $596 million standby credit for
Pakistan to save the country from possible default on its foreign
debts and interest payment. Pakistan has already received 192 million
dollars and the remaining over 400 million will be released by in two
installments till June next year subject to conditionalities.
It is no more then a breather package not under the
low interest ESAF/EFF or poverty reduction and growth management
programme but under high interest short term standby arrangement to
avoid default of low interest loan. The $596 million probation
involving appraisal at 3 month's interval. It however, qualifies
Pakistan to secure loans from the World Bank and the Asian Development
Bank (ADB) and for a 10 month reschedulling of loans of about 1.6
billion dollars and London clubs which falls due next month.
The IMF had suspended its aid programme to Pakistan
in May 1999 on the PML government's refusal to increase the POL
prices, devalue the rupee, and to impose General Sales Tax across the
board. The resumption of credit is a result of year-long talks between
the IMF and the current regime, in power since October 1999.
The IMF's decision on the heel of the decision by
the Asian Development Bank (ADB) last week to grant assistance of
$250m to two enterprise projects, and of the comments last week by the
World Bank's country director John Wall that the Bank, IMF, and ADB
would extend all possible support to Pakistan, provided it dealt with
its balance-of-payments crisis, low exports and reduced revenues.
As announced, the stand-by-credit is $1b short of
the $1.6b figure mentioned by several government officials during
their year-long negotiations. Despite the less than predicted figure,
the very fact of a grant of the IMF credit will be interpreted
domestically and internationally as a provisional vote of confidence
in the economic management of the Musharraf government. The vote of
confidence seems to have been made possible due to a decision by the
World Bank and IMF managements to separate financial assistance from
demands for restoration of democracy.
The IMF press release on the grant of credit, in
turn, avoids any mention of the nature of the Pakistani regime. Since
the Bank and IMF managements are, in the final analysis, directed by
the advanced industrialized countries, it is clear the a collective
western decision had been made that at least on the financial front.
This was illustrated by explicit mention in the press release that:
"In addition to IMF's stand-by-credit, Pakistan will be supported
by financing from the ADB, World Bank, bilateral official creditors
and the private sector. The Paris Club has agreed to consider in
January 2001 rescheduling Pakistan's outstanding arrears and upcoming
debt obligations".
On the economic front, however, it has been made
clear that Pakistan would be required to follow a set of agreed
conditionalities during the programme period. These are prescribed to
restore the health of the economy and include parameters like budget
deficit, monetary policy and external sector sustainability. If the
straight and narrow path of adjustment is not followed, the programme
is generally derailed. Unfortunately, our record in this respect is
rather frustrating and does not inspire confidence. Most of the time,
the programmes with the Fund were abandoned midway and Pakistan got
the painful distinction of one-tranche country. The latest programme,
$1.5 billion three-year Extended Structural Adjustment Facility (ESAF),
arranged in early 1999 was terminated after May 1999 because Pakistan
had failed to fulfil many of the conditionatities. The greatest
set-back to credibility came when it was discovered that Islamabad had
fudged the figures in an attempt to qualify for the Fund resources.
In a way, therefore, the faithful implementation of
the present programme is not only crucial for getting a regular flow
of foreign funds from various sources and revive the growth prospects
of the economy, but it will also offer a perfect opportunity to regain
the confidence of donors in our ability to undertake the needed prior
conditionalities like free float of the rupee have already been
implemented but the next phase would be more arduous. The most
important element of the programme is the reduction of budget deficit
from 6.4 per cent of GDP in 1999-2000 to 5.2 per cent in the current
year. The lowering of budget deficit by such a wide margin in a single
year is to be achieved through increased tax collections and strict
expenditure controls. The press release makes it clear that Pakistan
authorities should stand ready to take additional measures if revenues
fall short of expectations.
The IMF is also very emphatic about external sector
sustainability. According to the press release, a key element of the
programme is the maintenance of a competitive and flexible exchange
rate that is determined by market forces. Gross official reserves have
been targeted at $1.74 billion at end June, 2001, equivalent to 7.3
weeks of import of goods and non-factor services. The increase in
reserves would be achieved through an active exchange rate policy,
monetary tightening, fiscal adjustment and exceptional financing.
Improvement in balance of payments would be brought about by increased
exports and sharply reduced capital outflows from a rebound in
investor confidence. Monetary policy would be monitored very closely
and net domestic assets of the State Bank, which determine primarily
the rate of expansion of liquidity in the economy, would as usual be
another important performance criterion. GDP is projected to grow by
4.5 per cent during 2000-2001 compared to 4.8 per cent last year. It
must be mentioned that all the important variables in an economy are
more or less inter-connected and interdependent. Set-back in a
particular area usually has a rippling effect everywhere.
Apart from devaluation, the IMF has demanded
broadening the tax base, strengthening tax administration, reforming
the civil service, steps to integrate financial markets, improve
position of public enterprises and banks, liberalise international
trade, accelerate privatization, enhanced governance, substantial
improvements in the collection and quality of data and transparency.
The IMF Board of Directors have, at the same time,
dangled a carrot in front of Pakistan saying that if Pakistan carried
out the conditionalities honestly and faithfully, it could lead
eventually to the medium-term support from the Fund under the Poverty
Reduction and Growth Facility (PRGF). The PRGF is currently the
preferred name for IMF's typical programme for developing countries,
broadly similar to previous acronym nightmares such as Enhanced
Structural Advancement Facility (ESAF) and its ilk.
Finance Minister Shaukat Aziz at a Press conference
in Islamabad on Thursday, said that this is clearly a major milestone
in the efforts of the present Government to rebuilt the economy. The
IMF support is a significant breakthrough, for which economic
performance was the main determinant.
Ordinarily, there should be no cause to rejoice the
foreign debt's approval, yet Shaukat Aziz's hard work to convince the
IMF about legitimacy of Pakistan's compulsive need for a bail out
package to overcome its cash starvation deserves appreciation. It is
true that Pakistan is forced to seek IMF's assistance due to the
serious financial constraints resulting from the previous government's
heavy borrowing in the past, which had eroded country's ability to
sustain its economy amidst the consequently mounting fiscal
obligations.
Pakistan had to abide by the unprecedented
conditionalities of the IMF and the World Bank and compromise on its
vital national interests to seek financial support for its sagging
economy. Let it, however, be understood by the country's financial
managers that to sustain the economy with the help of foreign debts is
no solution to the nation's economic ills. It will rather drift the
country deeper and deeper into the IMF-World Bank duo's marshy
financial solutions to deprive its political sovereignty, stand on its
own feet economically. Like previous regimes, the present Government
seems to have also resorted to the easy course of lending money for
economic sustenance, rather than boosting the productive sectors for
autarky. Pakistan has to pursue this course vigorously and shun the
tendency of dependence on foreign debts for survival. It's time to get
rid of the begging bowl as the mounting foreign debts are gradually
incapacitating the nation to survive with honour, dignity and
self-respect.
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